TURKEY’S ruling AKP has long used the judiciary as a political tool, targeting individuals and groups to suppress dissent under the guise of legality. This strategy enables control not only over politics but also over social life, leaving little room for independent thought or action.

The mass arrests of politicians, union leaders, journalists and artists following police raids have become routine. These incidents, once shocking, are now so normalised that even judicial practices bordering on scandal fail to provoke outrage.

However, politically motivated judicial actions do more than violate individual rights. They undermine legal security, creating a society where anyone could be arbitrarily jailed. The recent crackdown on trade union leaders and human rights defenders highlights this concerning reality.

Repression unseen since the 1980 coup

Genel-Is union, with 180,000 members, is one of Turkey’s largest labour organisations. Its president, Remzi Caliskan, who also serves as vice-president of Disk (confederation of revolutionary trade unions of Turkey), was arrested alongside Disk Cukurova regional representative Kemal Goksoy and former Diyarbakir regional representative Serdar Ekingen. All three face charges of “membership in a terrorist organisation.”

These arrests represent the most senior-level targeting of Disk since the September 12 1980 military coup. In a statement, Genel-Is called the arrests “the most egregious attack on workers’ rights since the coup,” adding: “This decision reflects the government’s increasing arbitrariness and disregard for the rule of law.”

Nine years of surveillance yielded nothing

In 2010, Diyarbakir prosecutors launched an investigation against Caliskan, alleging links to the PKK. During this period, dominated by Gulenist influence in the judiciary, Caliskan was subjected to wiretapping and internet surveillance for nine years.

In 2019, prosecutors dismissed the case, citing a lack of evidence and confirming no concrete links to any organisation. All surveillance records were subsequently destroyed.

Yet, three years later, in 2022, Ankara prosecutors reopened the investigation on the same charges. Learning about this new case, Caliskan voluntarily approached the authorities to provide a statement, but they declined to hear him.

During this time, Caliskan continued his union activities, travelling extensively and meeting government officials. In 2021 and 2022, the Ankara governor’s office warned him twice that terrorist groups had targeted him in their publications. While he declined state protection, he applied for and received a firearm licence for self-defence.

On November 26 2024, Caliskan’s home was raided in the early hours of the morning, the same day he was scheduled to meet Labour Minister Vedat Isikhan to discuss the minimum wage. Along with 14 others, he was accused of terrorism.

His lawyers, who had previously tried to arrange for him to testify, questioned why his home was raided instead. The prosecutor’s response: “The investigation wasn’t ready then.” Ironically, Caliskan had just returned from Belgium, where he attended a European Federation of Public Service Unions meeting.

Confidential witnesses and informants

The investigation rests on testimony from an anonymous witness and a self-proclaimed informant, who claimed Caliskan attended a 30-day training in Qandil in 2014.

However, records show he was under state surveillance at the time, and no such activity was found. In his defence, Caliskan stated he visited Northern Iraq twice — once for a union meeting and once for personal reasons — each visit lasting only two to three days.

Other so-called evidence includes routine banking transactions, attendance at protests and social media posts. Even his phone calls with union members were presented as proof of terrorist connections. This pattern is familiar in politically motivated cases, where legitimate activities are criminalised.

A trade union free from political influence

In his testimony, Caliskan emphasised his commitment to keeping union activities independent of political factions.

“When I became president, Genel-Is had 28,000 members. Through a worker-centred approach free from political influence, we grew to 185,000 members. I lead a union with no ties to any terrorist organisation.”

Despite this, Caliskan and eight others were arrested based on vague accusations. The judiciary ignored years of fruitless surveillance and criminalised him for legitimate union activities.

The arrests of union leaders like Caliskan separate them from their families and undermine their work. Yet the most alarming aspect is how such actions have become normalised. This dangerous routine threatens not just individuals but the very foundation of rights and freedoms in Turkey.