DONALD TRUMP’S so-called “deal of the century” was meant to represent a finality of sorts, an event reminiscent of Francis Fukuyama’s premature declaration of the “end of history” and the uncontested supremacy of Western capitalism. In effect, it was a declaration that “we” — the US, Israel and a few allies — have won, and “you,” the isolated and marginalised Palestinians, have lost.  

Just as Fukuyama failed to consider the unceasing evolution of history, the US and Israeli governments also failed to understand that the Middle East — in fact, the world — is not governed by Israeli expectations and US diktats.  

The above is a verifiable assertion. On October 17, the Australian government announced that it was revoking its 2018 recognition of Jerusalem as the capital of Israel. Predictably, the new decision, officially made by Australian Foreign Minister Penny Wong, was strongly criticised by Israel, celebrated by Palestinians and welcomed by Arab countries who praised the responsible diplomacy of Canberra.

Any serious analysis of the move, however, must not be confined to Australia’s own political shifts but extended to include the dramatic changes under way in Palestine, the Middle East and, indeed, the world.  

For many years, but especially since the US invasion of Iraq as part of the politically motivated “war on terror,” Washington perceived itself as the main, if not the only, power able to shape political outcomes in the Middle East. Yet, as its Iraq quagmire began destabilising the entire region, with revolts, social upheavals and wars breaking out, Washington began losing its grip.  

It was then rightly understood that, while the US may succeed in waging wars, as it did in Iraq and Libya, it is unable to restore even a small degree of peace and stability. Though Trump seemed disinterested in engaging in major military conflicts, he converted that energy to facilitate the rise of Israel as a regional power that is incorporated into the Middle East’s political and economic grids through a process of political “normalisation,” which is wholly delinked from the struggle in Palestine or the freedom of the Palestinians.  

The US was so confident in its power to orchestrate such a major political transformation to the extent that Jared Kushner, Trump’s Middle East adviser and son-in-law, was revealed to have attempted to cancel the very status of Palestinian refugees in Jordan, an attempt that was met with a decisive Jordanian rejection.

Kushner’s arrogance reached the point where, in January 2020, he declared his father-in-law’s plan to be such a “great deal” that, if rejected by Palestinians, “they’re going to screw up another opportunity, like they’ve screwed up every other opportunity that they’ve ever had in their existence.”  

All of this hubris was joined with many US concessions to Israel, whereby Washington virtually fulfilled all Israeli wishes. The relocation of the US embassy from Tel Aviv to occupied Jerusalem was merely the icing on the cake of a much larger political scheme that included a financial boycott of Palestinians, the cancellation of funds that benefited Palestinian refugees, the recognition of the illegally occupied Syrian Golan Heights as part of Israel and the support of Tel Aviv’s decision to annex much of the occupied West Bank.  

Then Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his allies had hoped that, as soon as Washington carried out such moves, many other countries would follow and that, in no time, Palestinians would find themselves friendless, broke and irrelevant.

This was hardly the case. What started with a bang ended with a whimper. Though the Biden administration still refuses to commit to any new “peace process,” it has largely avoided engaging in Trump’s provocative politics. Not just that, the Palestinians are anything but isolated and Arab countries remain united, at least officially, in the centrality of Palestine to their collective political priorities.  

In April 2021, Washington restored funding to the Palestinians, including money allocated to United Nations refugee agency UNRWA. It did not do so for charitable reasons, of course, but because it wanted to ensure the allegiance of the Palestinian Authority and to remain a relevant player in the region.

Even then, Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas still declared, during a meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin in Kazakhstan on October 12, that “we [Palestinians] don’t trust America.”  

Moreover, the annexation scheme, at least officially, did not go through. The rejection of any Israeli steps that could change the legal status of the occupied Palestinian territories proved unpopular with most UN members, including most of Israel’s Western allies.   

Australia remained the exception, but not for long. Unsurprisingly, Canberra’s reversal of its earlier decision regarding the status of Jerusalem earned it much criticism in Tel Aviv. Four years on from its initial policy shift, Australia shifted yet again, as it found it more beneficial to realign itself with the position of most world capitals than to maintain that of Washington and Tel Aviv.   

Trump’s “deal of the century” has failed simply because neither Washington nor Tel Aviv had enough political cards to shape a whole new reality in the Middle East.

Most parties involved — Trump, Netanyahu, Scott Morrison in Australia, and a few others — were simply playing a political game linked to their own interests at home.

Similarly, outgoing British Prime Minister Liz Truss jumped on the bandwagon of relocating the British embassy to Jerusalem to win the approval of pro-Israel politicians.

The move further demonstrated her lack of political experience and, regardless of what Westminster decides to do next, it is unlikely to affect greatly the political reality in Palestine and the Middle East.

In the final analysis, it has become clear that the “deal of the century” was not an irreversible historical event but an opportunistic and thoughtless political process that lacked a deep understanding of history and the political balances that continue to control the Middle East.

Another important lesson to be gleaned from all of this is that as long as the Palestinian people continue to resist and fight for their freedom — and as long as international solidarity continues to grow around them — the Palestinian cause will remain central to all Arabs and to all people of conscience around the world.  

Ramzy Baroud is a journalist, author and the editor of the Palestine Chronicle — www.ramzybaroud.net.