THE Russian invasion of Ukraine and the war that has followed present a dramatic and dangerous moment in world history — one that will have repercussions for global politics for decades to come. 

The scenes we are witnessing from Mariupol, Bucha and other Ukrainian cities and the attacks on civilians should appal any sentient being.

The threat of nuclear weapons being used is perhaps more real than it has been for a generation.

The starting point for any discussion at NEU conference should be straightforward:

• We are unequivocally opposed to the invasion;

• We support calls for an immediate ceasefire and the removal of Russian troops;

• We express full solidarity with Ukrainian people and anti-war protesters in Russia;

• We are in favour of peace and a negotiated settlement;

• We support calls for all refugees from war to be allowed to enter Britain.

None of that is controversial and solidly reflects mainstream opinion in this country. However, if we limit ourselves to this response, we are adapting to the narrative of the Tory government, Parliament and the official media discourse.

Doing this strips recent events of history, context or comparison and risks subscribing to the “madman theory of history.”

If we are serious about peace, we must look at the context of a war that has the potential to widen and escalate, drawing other countries into widespread conflict; that means examining the role of Nato and scrutinising the actions of our government.

More people, including our members, are asking: “How did we get here?” and more importantly, “Where is the off-ramp?” and it is certainly not in Joe Biden talking about regime change.

Concerns from various quarters about the expansion of Nato since 1990 are well documented.

Jeremy Bowen recently quoted a senior cold war strategist describing Nato expansion as “the most fateful error of US policy in the entire post-cold war era.”

And when you hear that Henry Kissinger, of all people, counselled against Nato expanding eastwards, you have to wonder why the warnings were not heeded.

So, we must be prepared look at cause and effect — we do it all the time as educators.

When we teach Year 9 about the rise of Hitler and the Nazis in Germany our starting point is the Treaty of Versailles and we look at the sweep of history from there — a common exam question is “To what extent did the Treaty of Versailles create the conditions in Germany that allowed Hitler and the Nazis to gain power?”

This approach is not apologism — it is looking at how history happens and we should be prepared to do the same on this question.

And we should not wait to do it, because doing it now may help change the course of events and avoid a dangerous escalation. 

The key question for anyone wanting to see an end to this war is how to bring about peace. That will not be done by escalating the conflict or by demanding further and more extensive weapons, as our government and a number especially in eastern Europe want to do.

Working people are the losers in war and pay the heaviest price, whichever side of the conflict they are on, and so we should be firmly against any attempts to escalate this war.

Biden’s comment about “regime change” has been dismissed as a “gaffe” or “misspeak” but it is precisely at such dangerous moments in history that mistakes or gaffes create a dynamic from which it is hard to pull back.

There is an attempt to control the official discourse and quieten down any talk of Nato or how we got here — there always is in times such as this — but these are now reaching fever pitch.

Attacks on the anti-war left have now reached the stage where there is talk of Stop the War Coalition being a proscribed organisation in the Labour Party and we should have nothing to do with these attacks.

Quite frankly, anyone who supported the Nato invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq, the bombing of Libya, or who turns a blind eye to the suffering of the Yemeni people has no authority to comment on the actions of the anti-war left.

We are the ones who were protesting at the destruction of Grozny while Tony Blair and others were sipping champagne with Vladimir Putin and courting the oligarchs’ money.

We should also be concerned about the rapid growth in military spending that is going on at a time when the cost of living crisis is squeezing millions of families. 

Germany has already agreed to double its military spending and to cut the Nordstrom 2 pipeline, which will lead to hardship for its population. 

Working people should not pay the price of this war.

Our union has a proud record on international questions, both in terms of solidarity but also in adopting an anti-imperialist position on key questions, and the war on Ukraine should be no exception to that. 

Delegates to NEU conference should vote for the proposal to suspend standing orders to hear the urgent motion in the name of Alex Kenny and Emma Rose and join the Stop the War fringe meeting on Monday evening.

The Stop the War fringe meeting, “No to war in Ukraine — Why we say No to Nato expansion” takes place today, Monday April 11, at 5.45pm in Tregonwell Hall, Bournemouth Conference Centre. Speakers: Lindsey German (StW convener) Jess Edwards (NEU executive member), Ukrainian and Russian anti-war activists, Kevin Courtney (personal capacity). Chair: Alex Kenny (NEU executive and StW officer).