The Tories introduced the 50% strike ballot threshold to make industrial action harder. MATT WRACK argues that a Labour government has no justification for leaving it on the statute book
THE narrative around the events of “the fateful day,” September 6 1972, is striking in that nothing unusual seems to have happened — no arrests, no complaints by police, a normal day’s picketing. Months later the Shrewsbury pickets were prosecuted.
Do you think the pickets were chosen largely at random — the government decided an example needed to be made to intimidate pickets and unions, and picked on the building workers concerned?
There was nothing random about this case. The documents for this period at Kew show that the government was seriously worried about the power and confidence of trade unionists that was shown in the many strikes in 1972.
The building industry employers were closely connected to the Tories and their profits were threatened by the growth of trade unionism.
They demanded action. North Wales pickets were targeted because they were more isolated, over a semi-rural area, not in one of the industrial conurbations like Merseyside, the West Midlands or West Yorkshire, where trade unionism was stronger.
The public inquiry is the result of more than a decade of determined campaigning. Now, those who fought for justice want the full story of government involvement and police conduct to be told, says KATE FLANNERY
Megapicket to shut down Birmingham’s refuse sites
Forty years on, TONY DUBBINS revisits the Wapping dispute to argue that Murdoch’s real aim was union-busting – enabled by Thatcherite laws, police violence, compliant unions and a complicit media
In part II of a serialisation of his new book, JOHN McINALLY explores how witch-hunting drives took hold in the Civil Service as the cold war emerged in the wake of WWII


